Down with the Modern Corsairs

The political volleying of human beings at the U.S.-Mexico border is absolutely shameful. It needs to stop immediately. It can stop immediately. It needs to be taken out of the realm of contending forces using the livelihoods and movements of people as political leverage. And here is why:

There was an announcement that a caravan of migrants from Honduras was set to disembark from Honduras and walk up through Central America to the U.S.-Mexico border ostensibly to flee drug and gang violence that was ongoing in their communities. I can absolutely identify with this. It is basically what I did in October of 2016 and why I noticed five specific bond issues strategically engaged in October of 2017 that I reported. The caravan was publicly reported in the media and launched on Oct. 11, 2018. What was not as widely publicized was a large municipal bond issue backed by Citibank that was set for the following Monday through Wednesday.

The New York Transitional Finance Authority listed on its website that there was a $1.2 billion bond issue for Monday, Oct. 15, 2018 and Tuesday, Oct. 16, 2018 to be followed with a $230,000,000 “refund” bond on Wednesday, Oct. 18, 2018. I watched this bond issue and reported it as part of what I understood to be a pattern of racketeering activity connected to a local pension scheme in Texas. I was concerned that this issue was attempting to capitalize on a recent ruling concerning the status of children held in tents in Texas as part of a policy that was implemented by the Trump Administration in early 2018. I did not learn about the announcement of the caravan until after I attempted to report it.

But I did watch this issue and its listing on the NYTFA site. The information one can find about it now is reflected differently. For one thing, the dates have been changed to state the October issue occurred on Oct. 25, 2018 and also has reflected at least two different amounts since the original issue, including one with a reference to “1776” that was on the site in November of 2018. More than that, there was a $400 million water bond issue connected to New York’s Water Board that was also backed by Citibank that occurred concurrent to the announcement of a second migrant caravan leaving Honduras in early 2019. This was AFTER several agencies — including the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services — made sure to have substantial public notices using the number 13 to reflect the deaths of children at the U.S.-Mexico border.

Citibank and Honduras have a unique relationship. I have described that elsewhere in part. But this year also reflects the 10th anniversary of the coup in Honduras. It is also a year wherein substantial politicking is occurring in regards to Venezuela. Venezuela was alleged to have been a catalyst in what the backers of the coup in Honduras claimed was their justification for seeking the ouster of then-President Manuel Zelaya. Venezuela is also a country that has substantial long-term debt obligations held by New York-based financial institutions that it needs to either renegotiate or accept a default on. There are currently numerous municipal and other long-term bond issues at work in this situation. I contend that both the Democrats and the Republicans know this and are using the situation on the U.S.-Mexico border as political leverage in setting up long-term deals on people’s lives in a manner that could well qualify legally as sedition.

What needs to happen is that the situation needs to be rendered inaccessible to political opportunists attempting to win points with their funder networks. The United States has engaged in a comprehensive process of strategically closing various military installations since the days of Pres. George Bush. Many bases were closed during the term of Pres. Bill Clinton and to this day the Base Reallocation and Closure (BRAC) commission continues to be active. There are numerous decommissioned military facilities that could be readily converted into temporary transitional accommodations to assess who needs what kind of assistance. These facilities could be used as temporary three-month provisions centers to determine who is genuinely in need of asylum/assistance in addressing issues from the countries of origin and what they already have that can be nurtured into future self-sufficiency opportunities. It can also be a place where valuable information can be obtained in order to assess just what sorts of threats are compelling them to leave in their countries of origin with the aim of coordinating strategic campaigns within their countries to address those threats as soon as possible. The highest aim would be to assist in assuring that their countries of origin are secured in such a manner that they can return safely with new network connections and perhaps new skill sets.

Understand — I DO believe the majority of these people are actually GOOD people and that is why they left. But what compelled them to leave in such numbers at the time they did? They DID NOT leave one group of corruptivos and drug dealers to have them replaced by another group of drug dealers and corruptivos in a country that is not their own and in a language they may not even speak. As such, I believe this needs to be taken out of the realm of the current collaborations between Department of Homeland Security “soft ops” in conjunction with “health and human services” centers that are serving as little more than human smuggling brokers. If we had applied appropriate standards in addressing domestic and foreign threats to national security as well as appropriate respect for human rights that obligated the U.S. military and domestic law enforcement to the standards that befit America then we would not have a human trafficking racket launching post on the U.S.-Mexico border right now.

Attendant with this is a close scrutiny of those who have been speculating on the movements of those on the U.S.-Mexico border since last year. That so many people were recently “released” from “overcrowded detention centers” into a street economy that was strategically developed since the onset of the Affordable Care Act needs to be confronted sternly. That also means addressing current data input paradigms, including the databases developed ostensibly to “track” their movements for “humanitarian” purposes and any sort of local ID or biometric account set-ups in cities and facilities that would otherwise be preparing to accommodate them. That also means an immediate intervention into the current government-sponsored "free phone program" that is connected to laundering people's movements for any number of illicit purposes. These phone programs are usually based on access to food stamps, which are accessible to undocumented immigrants, and would comprise a fundamental component of this operation's endeavors. These sorts of mechanisms provide the means by which large-scale trafficking efforts occur under the guise of legitimate “development” and “assistance” endeavors.

The process that could be engaged in around working with the needs of those who have fled can and must be significantly different than the status quo gambling operation that has already been set up. It DOES involve understanding this as a potential national security problem and does involve engagement of various aspects of the U.S. military but it is NOT about recruiting an immigrant army for internal or external deployment. It is NOT to be a surveillance state but can function akin to a sort of grand jury situation in addressing the causes and implications of drug and human trafficking. It IS a temporary readiness development context for working concertedly within either the U.S. or the country of origin — or both. It is an emergency and needs to be addressed as such. That can be done competently and successfully without further ensnaring people into a nexus of state-sponsored human trafficking. There may or may not be enough facility space currently to address the entire population of concern in this manner, but there is enough available to curtail further proliferation of the ongoing destructive and destitute paradigm.

I do have specific and substantial recommendations on internal policy and support mechanisms. I first came up with something along this level on a smaller scale last Spring and actually developed a fully implementable schema as of Jan. 15, 2019. I will identify this as a direct link in a chain of events concerning emergency preparedness efforts that goes back to my stay in a domestic violence shelter in Chicago in February of 2016 that was never appropriately addressed. I approached this recent situation from the perspective of what if I was one of these people and what could I accomplish within three months with appropriate support. I also approached it from the perspective of someone who knew what the U.S. is actually capable of and what those who have complimentary capabilities really prioritize in their lives and their service. The idea was that by this Monday, April 15, 2019, me and a group of people that I had met and with whom I had been supported would be ready to move forward on implementing a specific business plan either in a specific location in the United States or after returning to my country of origin (which I assumed was Honduras). A lot needed to be done and that is why I needed to have specific sorts of resources and specific intentions engaged by the people with whom I was engaging. It could have been accomplished — legally, ethically, and prosperously.

By Monday, I could be on my way to moving forward on a five-city tour to introduce our business proposal and attempt to set up focus groups to customize the product line and develop local board implementation proposals based upon the business model. My colleagues would be trying to network with appropriate suppliers and technicians. As soon as my documents are finished, I could be working with an APPROPRIATE financial institution to begin to implement the appropriate accounting paradigms. And, depending on the outcome of the application process, I may or may not soon be in a position to return to my country of origin to share the proposal for cross-border networking. Of course, I and my colleagues are not interested in turning over our business plan to drug dealers. But there are plenty of people in the U.S. And Honduras and elsewhere who are NOT drug dealers. And because we worked with competent and principled people for the last three months to implement a financial and technical safety paradigm around our highly-specialized business enterprise, we don’t have to worry about political syndicates attempting to extort us or use us for money laundering to finance illegal operations under the guise of “security” or “healthcare.”

All of this WAS doable. All of this IS doable. So let’s see to it that it is done.

Crouse for President