By Charity Colleen Crouse
Oct. 30, 2019

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     Lanny Davis' exotic dance continues. Not much heed was paid to the fact that an attorney with substantial connections to the Clinton Presidential Administration was representing a lawyer for the current Trump Presidential Administration when Michael Cohen testified before Congress. Not much heed was paid either to the fact that prepared remarks such as those provided by Cohen had to be submitted to Congress before the hearing to be approved.
 

     There was, however, significant attention paid to the details of Cohen's prepared remarks. Included in these remarks was Cohen's submission as evidence of a check issued from Deutsche Bank. Cohen said he was told to write this check to an exotic dancer alleged to have had a dalliance with Donald J. Trump. The story of Stormy Daniels' payoff from Trump paled in comparison with the payoffs by Deutsche Bank to the Department of Justice over the last few years for numerous allegations of fraud and money laundering including $14 billion in September of 2016 and $7.2 billion in December of 2016. Since Cohen's appearance before Congress Deutsche Bank also announced on July 14, 2019 that thousands of workers were to be laid off. On Aug. 22, 2019 Deutsche Bank was required to produce another payoff in the amount of $16 million for allegations that they hired unqualified family members of alleged oligarchs.**
 

     Deutsche Bank was additionally targeted by authorities in Germany on Nov. 29, 2018 at the same time that Chicago Alderman Ed Burke was being targeted for allegations of improprieties related to his role in the Chicago pension system per his years of involvement on the City Council's pensions committee. What relationship the two announcements have to each other is a story as compelling, if not more so, than the financial arrangements a President of the United States makes regarding his alleged sexual behavior. That, however, was not the matter before Congress in early 2019.
 

     Cohen's choice of Davis in the context of the ongoing allegations against Trump for obstruction of justice, executive overreach, and election interference harken to a time for which former affiliates of Davis' had testimony before Congress of their own with which to deal. The Department of Justice investigation into Former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton's emails predated the onset of the Department of Justice investigation into allegations concerning the Trump campaign. That investigation included a time frame during which Clinton was responsible for guiding State Department policy in response to the coup in Honduras. As of the end of October of 2019 -- with much less media coverage and analysis than has been given to the allegations concerning the current President -- 38 former staff members of Clinton's State Department have been cited for their roles in the allegations surrounding Clinton's emails. At this time the results of this investigation are still pending.
 

     In addition to serving as an executive of Citibank, Davis was involved with a Central American business organization in which many prominent members of the Honduras business community were active. Camilo Atala, the head of one of Honduras' major banks -- Banco FICOHSA -- served as director of the Latin American Economic Council (CEAL) as recently as March of 2016. On April 17, 2014, Banco FICOHSA acquired all loan, credit and personal banking accounts in Citibank Honduras; in July of 2015 Banco FICOHSA acquired all accounts with Citibank in Nicaragua.
 

     In the United States, since the Department of Justice investigation into the Trump campaign was engaged, Citibank has been involved with numerous large-scale municipal bond issues that have had telling connections with announcements of "migrant caravans" that departed Honduras for the U.S.-Mexico border. The announcement on Oct. 12, 2018 that a caravan was setting off preceded a two-day Citibank sponsored issue of $1.2 billion by the New York Transitional Finance Authority (NYTFA) on Oct. 15-16, 2018. The two-day issue was followed up with a $230,000,000 "refund" issue on Oct. 17, 2018. These figures reflect the initial announcement in October of 2018. Subsequent to the issue NYTFA reported other amounts, including $1,217,760,000 in November of 2018 and throughout 2019. In the beginning of 2019, the New York Water Authority also declared a $400 million issue for water bonds that correlated with the announcement of a second caravan leaving Honduras for the U.S.-Mexico border. Unlike later public reports or reports concurrent to the second caravan that attempted to portray the pronounced increase of people seeking asylum in the U.S. in the face of increased drug-related violence in their countries of origin, the initial reports on these caravans specifically included concurrent accounts of being supported in official capacities by the government of Honduras in regards to exit from the country and Mexico regarding assistance in the process of passing through. The primary contestation regarded what was to be done with the aggregate of humans amassed at the U.S.-Mexico border.
 

     One may or may not make an additional inference from a $850,000,000 Citibank-sponsored municipal bond issue for Chicago due for settlement on May 1, 2019; in all three issues the same Chicago-based brokerage was involved. The amount of the May 1, 2019 issue is significant in regards to Honduras insofar as Honduras announced in November of 2016 that it was set to issue $850,000,000 in bonds for its primary energy interest at El Cajon Dam via Empresa Nacional de Energia Electrica (ENEE). This initial announcement was not carried out. In April of 2017 Honduras announced an issue for $700,000,000 for the El Cajon Dam; another announcement for $150 million was announced in early 2019. The construction of this dam involved Chicago-based engineering firm Harza Engineering, since renamed after merger.
 

     What would Cohen's choice of Davis as an attorney in light of these factors have to do with his role in responding to allegations regarding his client's role in "election interference" and other charges? In order to understand this and the potential implications, an appropriate characterization of the person bringing the charges must first be provided. It was made public record that when an attorney with Rose Law Firm Hillary Rodham Clinton engaged in actions regarding billing records that were later investigated for their potential connections to an investigation of bond issues by Dan Lasater. Lasater was known as a prolific bond issuer in Arkansas and elsewhere. Several allegations of both former Arkansas Governor William Jefferson Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton were made regarding fraud and other crimes but to this day no charge has been prosecuted. Neither has a specific accounting of what sort of bonds were of concern, the amounts of these bonds, or the terms on these bonds been provided to the public. How many of the bonds issued by Lasater or others with whom he worked were cancelled, refinanced or re-issued is also not publicly available information. It is on the public record, however, that fomer Governor Bill Clinton approved a $30.2 million bond issue for the Arkansas State Troopers specific to a radio communications system in 1985.
 

     Following early investigations both Hillary and Bill Clinton were subjected to numerous legal proceedings which occurred in several jurisdictions. The rules of court are not what they appear to be and attorneys must know this -- something they do not share with their clients when billing them. Different jurisdictions have not only different rules specific to their jurisdiction but also often ascribe different numerical references to the same or similar rules. The numerical references are of significant importance in understanding potentially proprietary accounting systems. They also provide reference nodes for indexing in consolidated publications regarding court proceedings in various jurisdictions that can be cross-referenced based on case name or citations of other cases within the case itself. This has the potential to form a sort of currency for attorneys and judges referenced in various contexts within the affiliated cases, as well as in regards to the clients involved. Insofar as court proceedings can require other sorts of exchanges of currency in order to meet certain surety or bond requirements, as may be required concerning specific laws of a particular jurisdiction, then there are a number of ways that this legal currency can be monetized or accounted in such a manner as to produce possibilities for materialization of financial gain for those who are able to access that economy. By and large those able to access it are not the clients. When billings include filing fees for submissions of documents that may themselves be numerically indexed by the court, there are potentially any number of opportunities to connect accounts to documentation that is associated with a legal proceeding. As such, any legal proceeding entails substantially more cost as well as potential for gain than is readily or explicitly apparent. Is this perhaps what was actually being focused on regarding the allegations between Hillary Clinton's role at Rose Law Firm and Lasater?
 

     The introduction of an electronic legal filing process adds another layer to these considerations. It is important to contextualize this with an understanding that despite the fact that many jurisdictions had done so earlier, the Supreme Court of the United States did not have an official electronic filing process until the Autumn of 2017. While some electronic legal databases which can include substantial back case logs and filings online can be accessed remotely, some court houses also offer onsite electronic legal filing access. There are specific things one can access via membership which requires official acknowledgement from the court in which one is so qualified. For instance, in order to access the electronic filing systems, including case logs and docket records, that are the official court record one must receive permission to be acknowledged in order to set up or access an account offsite. At this time the author has received the same information on electronic filings from two states for their federal district court filing process. This is for those attempting to file pro se while there are other procedures for requesting the court's permission if one is not a member of the specific jurisdictional court system involved. 
 

     Depending upon the jurisdiction involved, similar rules may be specified for different implementation while others are altogether eliminated. For instance, the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure make allowance for "Derivative Actions" without clarification of what or how such is specified or effectuated. Following the Enron investigation, several derivative actions were filed. There was also substantial derivative litigation engaged for a 2008 case involving Bristol-Meyers Squibb. For a novice or one who is not a professional other rules can also compel question for their implications and potential applications, such as rules on "Substitution of Counsel." Additionally, even the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure may reflect different implications depending upon their source. As an example consider that the version of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure available on the current site of the U.S. Congress does not include any process for filing a "Writ of Certiorari" and declared that "Writs of Mandamus" are not accepted at all while designating another process for "Motion for New Trial." This exists despite the fact that the version of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure identified under citation of federal law DOES specify at least in some manner a process for acknowledging a "Writ of Mandamus." Finally, consider that at least one local federal district court includes rules for "impeachment" without clarification substantiating its justification for so doing.

     All of this makes appropriate process through the legal system a very specialized one that in effect compels the ceding of one's exercise of the right to due process to one so credentialed in the specialty. The question then becomes: what qualifies one as such a specialist and under what authority are the requisite credentials issued? Further, in so issuing these credentials, what and where are the securitizable moments and who or what has access to these securities? Consider then the client and what records or documents the client must produce for his or her case under the securitized credential of his or her attorney before the applicable judge, or judges, likewise credentialed as specialists. Who then regulates or evaluates the performance of attorneys insofar as there may be need for verification of their credentials? Who then for judges? Who then regulates or evaluates their connections with the securitizable moments with their client's information or others they engage throughout the legal process?

     Hillary Clinton's professional experience as an attorney was also one of her many attributes as First Lady, first of the State of Arkansas and then of the United States of America. As First Lady of the United States she was most well-known for her efforts to promote universal healthcare coverage, which did not succeed legislatively at the time. She was also involved with efforts to address the ongoing discussions around energy but demonstrated what appeared to some as an about face following a private meeting with a consortium of leaders in the energy sector primarily connected to the gas and oil industry. How much her influence as First Lady influenced the executive actions of the President is speculative, but insofar as Hillary Clinton did not disengage from the strategic partnership she had with Bill Clinton, then she must have been well aware of the potential implications of his Executive Order 12866 of September 30, 1993 "Regulatory Planning and Review" which states:

"The American people deserve a regulatory system that works for them, not against them:...and improves the performance of the economy without imposing unacceptable or unreasonable costs on society; regulatory policies that recognize that the private sector and private markets are the best engine for economic growth...We do not have such a regulatory system today."

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     In 2015 the U.S. Department of Treasury announced that it was filing charges against Jaime Rolando Rosenthal Oliva and his two sons. One of his sons, Yankel Rosenthal Coello, was apprehended upon a visit to Florida in October of 2015. The initial indictment did not include details of the charges outside of non-specific allegations of money laundering in connection with drug trafficking activity. Soon thereafter, however, moves were made to seize Rosenthal's assets in Honduras. By March of 2016 Banco Continental -- a Rosenthal organization -- had been seized by the government and initial reports were that the bank's holdings were liquidated. Current dockets for the US District Southern District of New York report that an attorney for the family, Andreas Acosta Garcia, was also implicated in the charges that were filed.

     Rosenthal's indictment from the U.S. came after former Honduras President and FIFA Director Rafael Callejas turned himself in. Initially, 16 executives of FIFA were indicted by the U.S. Department of Justice for racketeering. Callejas served time in jail in the U.S. though no charges were announced in Honduras. Meanwhile, in the course of allegations concerning the FIFA investigation being revealed also was revealed allegations that the then-current President of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernandez, had been implicated for embezzling the equivalent of $350 million from the Honduran social security system through his election campaign. No charges were ever filed against Hernandez for this, but the journalist who first reported the allegations was later arrested, convicted of libel, and served time in jail in Honduras.

     Over three years later another journalist in another part of the world was murdered and mutilated. Jamal Khashoggi was reported as missing after visiting the embassy of Saudi Arabia in Turkey. His body was found dismembered. After initial denial, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia acknowledged that members of the embassy staff had been determined to have committed the murder of Khashoggi allegedly in response to his critiques of Saudi policies.

     On Dec. 13, 2018 TIME Magazine declared Khashoggi to be its "Person of the Year." The text publication of the magazine also featured profiles of several other journalists murdered in 2018 for a total of 52 journalists whose information, death details, and publications were listed in a timeline on a two-page spread. No journalists from Honduras were listed for 2018 but Honduras is among one of the countries with the greatest casualty rate for members of the media, including print media and radio media. There are also substantial casualty rates for attorneys and prosecutors in Honduras.

     When it comes to licensing for securities brokers a Series 53 license is required for municipal securities. Often corporations, including municipal corporations, will release information to the media as part of necessary public earnings and other reporting requirements that are part of regulatory compliance terms. With the proliferation of social media much discussion has been had on what qualifies as news and reportage from a traditional perspective on journalism. This also entails considerations of qualifications of, as well as implications for, editors and publishers. So too are matters connected to alleged "national intelligence" or "national security" designations for people reporting on particularly provocative topics, including as a means for attempting to suppress important information. Among those provocative, and potenitally perilous, topics are political candidates, holders of political office, and allegations of public corruption. Indeed, several of the journalists listed in what may qualify to a certainly inclined, positioned and credentialed person as an "index" on murdered journalists in the December of 2018 edition of TIME Magazine were investigating public corruption and reporting on it at the times of their murders.
 

     An individual journalist's body of work could very well constitute in another manner of purview a sort of inventory of public releases of information connected to reporting requirements for corporations. It could also provide a foundation after long-term investigation of credibility in terms of providing background for verifying allegations of public corruption. What should happen if such an inventory should be under the name of a provider that had been terminated and then indexed with others as a sort of class?

     Could the same be said for editors or perhaps publishers? In the profiles provided in the TIME Magazine list of "Persons of the Year" was one on a publication in the United States wherein an editor was murdered by a former employee along with other employees. While the specific TIME Magazine of concern is not the only place where murdered representatives of the media are documented, it is a publication that is under the auspices of a formal corporate structure and so incorporated. This would provide that publication and the contents of that particular issue with a certain consideration under the 1986 Tax Reform Act.

     Were someone to be so inclined, it becomes apparent that a "non-indexed" reference point in conjunction with the "indexed" references in the TIME Magazine could present many possibilities for configuring portfolios that included public information releases in the form of news articles that were catalogued based on author or common subject references. Such a process is exhibitable elsewhere, but not so public as the TIME Magazine. In order to understand that paradigm one must risk a venture into the realm of BDS.

     But before so doing, a more current correlation should be examined commensurate with the aforementioned. During the investigation into the Clinton Administration known as "Travelgate" official documents of the case acknowledge publications of comments by Abe Rosenthal, the Editor of the New York Times. Publicly available historical records recount that the newspaper editor declared in his column the need to further examine testimony and reports of others that were included in consideration of allegations of hiring White House travel staff. The positioning of Editor Rosenthal reveals significant correlations with the indictments of the three Rosenthals (and the attorney) that were issued in 2015, especially if one factors in the "pivot" potential described in regards to the aforementioned scenario involving Jamal Khashoggi and the 51 others included in the TIME Magazine.

     Prior to the arrest of Rosenthal in Florida was another arrest, this one in Saudi Arabia. On October 15, 2015 Shia cleric Nimr Al-Nimr was detained in Saudi Arabia. It was reported that Al-Nimr was denied legal counsel during several undeclared legal proceedings and denied medical treatment. Al-Nimr was sentenced to be executed for his alleged involvement in a bombing that took place during a public protest with which he was associated and in attendance. Al-Nimr was executed in February of 2016 along with three other Shia from the same area as Al-Nimr and 43 Sunnis, ostensibly convicted of crimes involving among other things drug trafficking.

     On September 26, 2014 43 teachers from a rural college in Mexico were abducted. What came to be known as the Ayotzinapa 43 were purportedly on their way to a protest when they stopped into a town to acquire buses to transport them to their intended destination. At that point, it was reported, they were ambushed and abducted. Allegations that Mexican police engaged in public corruption were involved with local narco-terrorists in the abduction have yet to be proven or prosecuted. To this day the bodies of none of the Ayotzinapa 43 have been found. Rather, the 43 teachers fall into a long history of "disappearances" of political opposition that have been prevalent in Central American politics.

     In consideration of other concurrent events and in the perspective of the possibilities now available following the murder of Khashoggi, one can see a direct correlation with the pairing of these localities and the attendant events that is revelatory of other ongoing processes, what one could call a human "capital conversion" that provides macabre moments of extraordinary depictions of death and demise. The equation is simple and precise -- 1:3:43. That Al-Nimr was educated in Iran and that Jaime Rosenthal was the owner of a moderate leftist media corporation in Honduras are also important for consideration.

     Now turn back to our prior point of departure and evaluate a specific focus of the Israel Boycott-Divest-Sanctions (BDS) movement. Early in Trump's term it was announced that a list of banned organizations and individuals connected to BDS movements had been put into effect. More than half of the states of the U.S. currently have state laws outlawing these BDS movements. Included in the targets of these BDS movements are weapons companies and weapons suppliers companies, among them Raytheon Corporation. Raytheon's product line is not only extensive but also includes components systems and products that are used in the full construction of other weapons companies products. A specific example of technological cross-over is in guidance systems for jet fighters and passenger aircraft that are declared as incorporated into the development of products from other companies, including other companies targeted by the BDS movement.

     The news releases on Raytheon's site are quite telling and even more so if one considers concurrences with events in Honduras. Between 2002 and now numerous political leaders, specifically associated with indigenous political movements, and journalists, including numerous journalists engaged in radio broadcasting, have been murdered. Often these murders involve assassinations performed by individuals using a motor vehicle of one sort or another. Details will not be provided here, but a discerning examination of Raytheon's own news releases shows correlations with the timing and technology involved with these targeted assassinations, specifically in Honduras. In fact, a specific family name featured either in the designation of the matrilineage or the patrilineage demonstrate a "family" connected to announcements for Raytheon technology associated with updates or developments regarding radiofrequency that correlate with the deaths of radio journalists. Another "family" shows correlations with technologies associated with "weather monitoring" and is also a "family" of a former Honduran President involved with relief efforts following Hurricane Mitch. When translated from Spanish to English and accounted for in regards to other "demographic experiences" these families also demonstrate correlations with activities that occurred during the Clinton Presidential Administration. The relationship between these correlations, the privatization of Hondutel, and any connections with former bond issues for law enforcement "radio" technologies in the United States needs further investigation. Among these connections are what, if anything, are the correlations between bus crashes in Kazakhstan, Canada and Saudi Arabia in the last four years.

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     To return to the original premise concerning the dynamics at work with Cohen's choice of Davis as his attorney a contemplation of the attendant banking paradigms is instructive. While a direct metric correlation with the initial announcement for ENEE in November of 2016 and the Chicago municipal bond issue in May of 2019 can be discerned, the consideration of the New York Water Authority bond demands further scrutiny.
 

     The amount listed for the bond as of early 2019 was $400 million. Recent efforts have been made to attempt to obscure the relationship with the value of the number 400 in regards to efforts aimed at providing reparations for Jewish survivors of the Nazi Holocaust. It was at one point reported that the first Israel-Germany agreement involved reparations in an amount involving the number 400. Then, in late summer of 2018 it was reported that Germany had agreed that its reparations payments for the upcoming terms would be in the amount of $400 million per year.

     Prior to these New York Water Authority issues the same brokerage -- Ramirez, Inc. -- that was connected to the three earlier mentioned municipal issues was also listed as being involved for two City of Chicago water bond issues, both of which were issued at $400 million. As of June of 2017 the publicly available information stated that one of these bonds had one lien and that the other had two liens. Additionally, in late August of 2017, the Chicago Teachers Union threatened to go on strike unless then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel agreed to increase the upcoming school year's Chicago Public Schools budget, including allowances for pension obligations, by $400 million. It was reported that the Mayor agreed on Aug. 26, 2016 to meet the teachers union demands and the strike was averted.

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     The reference to the number 400 in reparations goes all the way back to the first Holocaust reparations agreements. How did it become so prominent in regards to municipal bonds, specifically bonds concerning water? And what, if any, correlation does it have with the announcement by Germany that it would issue further reparations in accordance with the number 400?

     Perhaps appropriate perspective can be provided when viewed in the context of the previously mentioned implications of the execution of Nimr Al-Nimr and others as well as the arrest of the members of the Rosenthal family. In order to do that appropriately an acknowledgement of State Department policy, or rather indexing, for the last year of Clinton's term as Secretary of State and the next three years is necessary. Treaties in Force is an official index of current treaties defining State Department activities. While it was put online in 2017, previous versions are available in public government document depositories around the country. As of the versions available at the State of Texas Archives in Austin, TX in May of 2018, an alarming pattern can be seen in relation to specific State Department policies concerning Iran, the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organization.

     For only the years 2011 through 2014 a specific set of changes to Treaties in Force entries for these nations/entities is listed. Among the treaties cited for Iran are agreements to pay Iran for the kidnapping of hostages that occurred in 1979. One is cross-referenced with the Netherlands regarding an agreement for financial payments to be delivered to Iran to pay the ransom on these hostages. The public information of the time and since details that these hostages included staff of the American Embassy, including the Embassy guard. To this day the official guard for U.S. embassies is enlisted members of the United States Marine Corps (USMC).

     Under the heading for the Palestinian Authority is merely one agreement. The agreement listed is connected to USAID development assistance. There are, however, eight agreements listed under the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). All of these have different dates going back to the 1990s. One of these agreements is for one day short of ten years prior to the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City.

     In Dallas, a different version of Treaties in Force is available at the local public depository of government documents; it appears to be a duplicate or tampered with reproduction. The years for 2011 to 2016 do not have the agreements for the PLO; the specific methodology this entails does NOT appear until the most recent Administration, making it seem as if this strategy is either a) attempting to be reset for re-implementation as part of the current, not former, Administration; b) indicative of a sort of proxy regionalism within the U.S. that simulates different "jurisdictions" locally as proxies for extra-national territorialities; or c) attendant with efforts to obscure information in select regions so that others with more information and in other regions can use those with misinformation in processes that have already been pre-engineered.

     Regardless of which of the above is accurate, this strategy implies a specific modality for effectuating a form of money and other asset laundering ostensibly aimed at "rescuing" kidnapped members of the U.S. military among others. Either that or it attempts to appeal to glorification of highjacking as a political, and even economic, strategy. It is important to understand the implications of designations of the PLO as being officially labelled under the subheading of "Finance." It is also important to remember that the PLO was labelled as a terrorist organization.

     The term life on the "Finance" requirements have implications beyond State Department publications. Honduras -- and specifically the role of recent State Department leadership in Honduras -- portend a situation of bondage that seems to follow the patterns of using the movements of human beings displaced by war, famine and environmental devastation as derivative functions in an undisclosed financial paradigm that can persist for generations. Such is not only in violation of Constitutional rights to due process within the U.S., but also against many international conventions to which the U.S. is signatory, including conventions on biological and chemical weapons, nuclear materials including weapons, the treatment of prisoners of war, and using children for illegal labor, commercial or military purposes. The situation currently ongoing at the U.S.-Mexico border belies a longer-term situation concerning the balancing of peaceful trade and commercial interests with the need for national and personal security. This is NOT the same as using "social security" programs for acts of money laundering or payoffs for maintaining silence in order to compel individuals to cooperate with high crimes.
 

     Were the tawdry not the dominant stimulation here then another perspective on Honduras could provide not only meaningful contributions to reconciliation that has both regional and hemispheric implications but could also benefit the U.S. in addressing internal political practices. First is a consideration of resource acquisition and ascribement laws concerning mineral interests in Honduras and how they correlate with domestic U.S. policy on mineral rights and natural resource acquisition. Efforts by the same entities that attempt to silence criticism of Clinton-era State Department policies in Honduras do little to fulfill espoused aims to address climate change or the underlying factors regarding the dominance of extractivist energy production. On the contrary, the salaciousness that is permitted preeminence belies other manners in which energy policy engages human beings at various levels of attempting to access resources in proxy and derivative processes that are either complicit with or cover for serious crimes.

     According to the CIA Factbook statistics related to natural resource production, Honduras has no recorded oil and gas production or manufacturing for the last several years. It is important to understand the effect that former President Manuel Zelaya's agreement to import more gas and oil from Venezuela had on decisions of his detractors to support his ouster and the complications this presented in compelling the accedance of the general population of Honduras that was more politically moderate than the vocal opposition and resistance to the coup. During this time, a Honduran law specifically regarding "exploration" of mineral deposits made concessions available per interlocution of a Honduran national to foreign nationals as well as to Hondurans. There was a specific timeframe usually in the amount of 10 years regarding the awards of the concessions that would take into consideration payments to the government's Ministry on Energy, Natural Resources, Environment and Mines for production or lack of production while holding the claim to such a concession. A revision to the land reform laws that had been changed during the term of former President Ricardo Maduro had been submitted by campesino and indigenous organizations to the legislature as recently as Spring of 2017; it behooves a reconsideration of those proposals and a specific focus on the existing awards of concessions specifically for gas and oil, but also for other minerals throughout Honduras.

     Secondly, the existing political tensions are also impacted by the legacy of immigration from Pre-Mandate Palestine to Honduras. Much of the derision to the alleged oligarchical structure of Honduran political and economic sectors is generated toward "family" corporate interests and land holdings that are disproportionately owned by families of Palestinian descent. These families and others from Palestine are often referred to as "Turcos," compelling one to question if there was a conscious recognition that they may have had official ties with Palestinian families that were more favorably positioned under the former Ottoman Empire, or to imply that they did. A specific record of "seizure" of financial accounts in the names of several members of some of the now prominent families of Palestinian descent in Honduras can be found in the Federal Register for July 7, 1951. The Federal Register records these accounts were seized by Chase Manhattan Bank via a seizure of accounts from Sanwa Bank of Tokyo.

     If the U.S. government continues to avail itself of the seized assets of current political and economic leadership in Honduras in manners that are aimed at intentionally interfering in Honduran social or political stability, then the political motives and potential Constitutional and national security implications of this praxis need to be investigated and acted upon in such a manner as to preclude its continued perpetuation and to hold the intellectual authors accountable. Reporting on human rights violations, fraud and corruption or to promote a dissident political platform is an important part of building, and maintaining, democracy. It is needed to thoroughly examine all levels of culpability and PROPERLY account for the burden of proof commensurate with the level of responsibility and potential gain from exploitation. Corruption of blood is Unconstitutional; so too is treating someone subject to the penalties for treason without trial. Reproduction of this paradigm should not be made available for export; neither should kidnapping, organ harvesting, and extortion.

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* Title updated at 1:51 pm CST on July 5, 2020.

** Update at 2:51 pm CST on Nov. 2, 2019: while composing this article information on regarding Deutsche Bank was double-checked with sources available online on Oct. 29, 2019. Sources acquired earlier have different information. Source information is intentionally not provided in this version but are kept for use as evidence if needed.  

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Have a nice day.

5:09 am CST on Oct. 5, 2020

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Unhidden 11:27 pm CST

Dec. 3, 2020

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I really wish you had taken that bridge to China more seriously when you had the chance.

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